Abstract

Within the set of demonstratives in Unua, two items, ngo and nga, stand out as having anaphoric functions distinct from the deictic functions held by other demonstratives. Given these distinct properties, it could be expected that ngo/nga are located in different positions in the structure of the DP from the other demonstratives. Co-option of ngo/nga as anaphorics from the set of demonstratives is suggestive of a grammaticalization pathway towards determiner status. My purpose in this paper is to investigate if it is possible to identify such a distinct location for ngo/nga. I conclude that, although the linear ordering is non-indicative, the DP-internal syntax (as per the grammaticalization pathway proposed in Roberts and Roussou (2003) would allow for the placement of ngo/nga in the D head position. I also find that the output of the grammaticalization pathway for the development of anaphorics from demonstratives appears to produce a mismatch with Cinque’s (2020) proposal for a dedicated position for an anaphoric demonstrative projection, unless we take the view that there is more than one projection from which an anaphoric head may raise to D.

Te Reo-Volume 68-Issue 4-pp. 36–58